Showing posts with label Law. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Law. Show all posts
Monday, July 13, 2015
Watching the Detectives
The Judicial Review of the Hager raid by the police last year has finished Day One of an anticipated three day season. Jon Stephenson covers the high and dry of it here. At stake is truth, justice and all that jazz.
It has taken me some time to parse the whole Dirty Politics saga, soaking in it as I was all those years as a blogger. Reading Nicky Hagar's book on the subject, what surprised me most was not so much the tactics employed but the elaborate collaboration behind the scenes. The sheer stage-managed nature of it all. I felt like a complete Frankenfurter.
There was also the Key government to consider. I had seen the NZ Defence Force take a smack at Stephenson before, during and after his Eyes Wide Shut article in Metro magazine. Before that, accidental journalist Bradley Ambrose's recording of the Key/Banks tea party in 2011 and the resulting cop scrum that descended upon him and the MSM.
More recently, Dakta Green accusing some police of perjury has seen him crushed under a grand piano of scrutiny by them. You can't mess with the status quo and walk away unscathed. Quite how I've managed so far without liability, I attribute to presenting a small target as well as maintaining a variety of wild cards up my sleeves. Fiddling with asymmetries.
Suffice it to say, sub judice pending, that I hope the Judicial Review is successful. Ten hour fishing trips in a journalist's home when they are in absentia is disproportionate and has a chilling effect on reporting. There's evidence to suggest that police broke the court's sealing of evidence, which probably means the GCSB and SIS have been through the allegedly sealed documents too. Hagar had been worked on the Snowden leaks, and it doesn't take much to join dots there.
Without investigative journalism, all we're left with is press releases and native advertising. That's not a Fourth Estate. That's prostitution.
Labels:
journalism,
Law
Friday, May 16, 2014
Hanging Out with Beck, Whodini and Queen Camilla
Please pardon my break from blogging. Although I've been following the headlines, watching the gossip on Twitter, and occasionally popping into the House to witness some absurd theatre, I've really been preferring the company of chickens.
Sartre was wrong about a lot, but not Hell being other people. If the Psychoactive Substances donut wasn't bad enough, here's a sample of righteous puritanism from today's headlines alone:
One (vanilla) farmer gets fined $7500 for gross animal cruelty, while another farmer (with a Maori name) gets fined $15,000 for stubbornly refusing to wear a quad bike helmet on his land. Don't quibble the obiter, the law is still an ass. Actual harm > potential harm.
The coronial inquest into the Masterton balloon tragedy continues, with cannabis still being the whipping boy for the mess. Never mind an almost identical accident occurring in the US (wind changes, balloon hits power lines). Never mind testimony saying there's no evidence cannabis played any role in the balloon failure, the government is welcoming drug testing in the tourism industry.
NZ I love you but you still really piss me off.
![]() |
| Kapiti Gothic; Beck and Queen Camilla. Whodini AWOL, as usual. |
One (vanilla) farmer gets fined $7500 for gross animal cruelty, while another farmer (with a Maori name) gets fined $15,000 for stubbornly refusing to wear a quad bike helmet on his land. Don't quibble the obiter, the law is still an ass. Actual harm > potential harm.
The coronial inquest into the Masterton balloon tragedy continues, with cannabis still being the whipping boy for the mess. Never mind an almost identical accident occurring in the US (wind changes, balloon hits power lines). Never mind testimony saying there's no evidence cannabis played any role in the balloon failure, the government is welcoming drug testing in the tourism industry.
NZ I love you but you still really piss me off.
Labels:
Law,
safety nazis,
war on drugs
Sunday, February 16, 2014
National and Labour's Too-Hard Basket is Full of Pissed Off Voters
Good on Colin Espiner making an eloquent plea for NZ to revisit this futile and destructive War on Drugs.
The National government has ignored the Law Commission's first review of the Misuse of Drugs Act since the law's inception, even with its mild conclusions and Jim Anderton rooting its terms of reference with a conservative reading of the United Nations Conventions. Not altogether unlike National ignoring the recommendations of the Electoral Representation Commission on MMP, which they themselves commissioned.
In fairness, Labour is rooting the hamster on both the War on Drugs and MMP reform as well. Labour MP for Palmy, Iain Lees-Galloway, should have presented his private member's bill on MMP reform with the MMP Commission's findings intact, not cherry-picked to Labour's flavour. The party has learned nothing from their Electoral Finance Act fisting.
Lees-Galloway is also Labour's shadow drug czar, and there's no sign of ceasefire in the War on Drugs from him. He's no different from the general ignorance of current drug czar Todd McClay. Vanilla? Don't get me started on vanilla.
Power before public good, eh. And still the main parties wonder at the rise of the micro parties and the enrolled non-vote. The fish are not apathetic. They're just not going to swallow the same stale bait that these anglers are dangling any more.
The National government has ignored the Law Commission's first review of the Misuse of Drugs Act since the law's inception, even with its mild conclusions and Jim Anderton rooting its terms of reference with a conservative reading of the United Nations Conventions. Not altogether unlike National ignoring the recommendations of the Electoral Representation Commission on MMP, which they themselves commissioned.
In fairness, Labour is rooting the hamster on both the War on Drugs and MMP reform as well. Labour MP for Palmy, Iain Lees-Galloway, should have presented his private member's bill on MMP reform with the MMP Commission's findings intact, not cherry-picked to Labour's flavour. The party has learned nothing from their Electoral Finance Act fisting.
Lees-Galloway is also Labour's shadow drug czar, and there's no sign of ceasefire in the War on Drugs from him. He's no different from the general ignorance of current drug czar Todd McClay. Vanilla? Don't get me started on vanilla.
Power before public good, eh. And still the main parties wonder at the rise of the micro parties and the enrolled non-vote. The fish are not apathetic. They're just not going to swallow the same stale bait that these anglers are dangling any more.
Labels:
Labour pains,
Law,
National,
war on drugs
Tuesday, May 07, 2013
The American Disease
Etiquette says that it is impolite to talk religion or politics over dinner, which may go some way in explaining why I don't get invited to dinner parties. Food? Political. Choice of background music? Political. Serving white wine with steak? Political. Aaron Gilmore? Christ, what an arsehole.
The reality TV junkies have lived such short safe lives, they have lost collective consciousness of the terrors of existential threats, the miseries and humility of shared suffering. If it can't be parsed into a CSI-friendly anecdote, the eyes glaze over or the subject flips to royal pregnancies and sport.
It is disconnects like this that allow vastly ironies to go unremarked, such as the final Constitutional Debate being held the day John Key released plans for mass surveillance, and a raft of new crimes against the state.
New Zealand is getting the American Disease, a virulent STI or Security Theatre Infection. It can only be a matter of time before our first Aaron Swartz-like victim occurs, or worse.
There's hope amidst my cynicism. I'll leave you with an increasingly popular search phrase from Lord Cooke of Thorndon:
The reality TV junkies have lived such short safe lives, they have lost collective consciousness of the terrors of existential threats, the miseries and humility of shared suffering. If it can't be parsed into a CSI-friendly anecdote, the eyes glaze over or the subject flips to royal pregnancies and sport.
It is disconnects like this that allow vastly ironies to go unremarked, such as the final Constitutional Debate being held the day John Key released plans for mass surveillance, and a raft of new crimes against the state.
New Zealand is getting the American Disease, a virulent STI or Security Theatre Infection. It can only be a matter of time before our first Aaron Swartz-like victim occurs, or worse.
There's hope amidst my cynicism. I'll leave you with an increasingly popular search phrase from Lord Cooke of Thorndon:
"If ever a Government indifferent at heart to basic rights were to hold office in this country, it could force through, possibly in a matter of hours and by the barest of majorities, legislation opposed to basic principles of justice. Orthodox theory has in the past been that the Courts could not intervene. I am not so sure; the authority of Parliament itself - supremacy as it is often called - ultimately turns on judicial recognition."- Lord Cooke of Thorndon, "Practicalities of a Bill of Rights" Australian Bar Review 189,201.
Tuesday, April 09, 2013
Who Defends New Zealand from the People Who Defend New Zealand?
1979 might have been a landmark year for international political relations, but I find 1977 much more interesting for domestic reasons.
God Defend New Zealand became the official national anthem, alongside God Save the Queen. The week after Star Wars was released in theatres, the Misuse of Drugs Act (1975) came into force. Sleeping Dogs hit NZ theatres and sensibilities while Muldoon expanded the SIS, as well as creating what would become the STG, as this delightfully soundtracked potted history clip shows. The GCSB also became fully armed and operational.
It didn't stop there, of course. The Fourth Labour government created their own awful precedents in the 1980's; using Defence Force materiel to conduct police operations by way of cannabis crop raids; installing the Waihopai Valley listening post, one of the costs of a nuclear-free policy.
The lines have become so blurred between the powers of government that they no longer hold each other in check, but have ganged up together, police shoulder to shoulder with the military. meantime, each successive Defence Minister became more clueless than the last, from Frank O'Flynn down to Jonathan Coleman.
Helen Clark attempted to rein in this unaccountable power bloc, as Nicky Hager's book Other Peoples Wars makes plain. She ended up making things worse. Clark ended up giving them a flash new Defence building instead, Castle Wolfensohn.
What started out as formalising legislation of the GCSB in 2003, thereby making it accountable in law for the first time, ended up with Key having the law saying he can appoint a horse for head of the GCSB if he wanted.
Key's government is so in thrall to this seemingly-elegant solution of executive and legislative muscle combined, that they are changing maritime laws to allow the Defence Forces to prevent political protest that would be acceptable on land.
David Farrar and others insist that the Kitteridge report will shed light on Key's evasive tactics, justifying why Ian Fletcher was parachuted into GCSB HQ. I'm more in agreement with Geoffrey Palmer (link here soon), who suggests in this NatRad interview this morning that the whole purpose of military intelligence needs reviewing.
But I'd go further. Sweeping reform in the Defence Forces and Police is paramount. They seem to have completely forgotten who they serve.
God Defend New Zealand became the official national anthem, alongside God Save the Queen. The week after Star Wars was released in theatres, the Misuse of Drugs Act (1975) came into force. Sleeping Dogs hit NZ theatres and sensibilities while Muldoon expanded the SIS, as well as creating what would become the STG, as this delightfully soundtracked potted history clip shows. The GCSB also became fully armed and operational.
It didn't stop there, of course. The Fourth Labour government created their own awful precedents in the 1980's; using Defence Force materiel to conduct police operations by way of cannabis crop raids; installing the Waihopai Valley listening post, one of the costs of a nuclear-free policy.
The lines have become so blurred between the powers of government that they no longer hold each other in check, but have ganged up together, police shoulder to shoulder with the military. meantime, each successive Defence Minister became more clueless than the last, from Frank O'Flynn down to Jonathan Coleman.
Helen Clark attempted to rein in this unaccountable power bloc, as Nicky Hager's book Other Peoples Wars makes plain. She ended up making things worse. Clark ended up giving them a flash new Defence building instead, Castle Wolfensohn.
What started out as formalising legislation of the GCSB in 2003, thereby making it accountable in law for the first time, ended up with Key having the law saying he can appoint a horse for head of the GCSB if he wanted.
Key's government is so in thrall to this seemingly-elegant solution of executive and legislative muscle combined, that they are changing maritime laws to allow the Defence Forces to prevent political protest that would be acceptable on land.
David Farrar and others insist that the Kitteridge report will shed light on Key's evasive tactics, justifying why Ian Fletcher was parachuted into GCSB HQ. I'm more in agreement with Geoffrey Palmer (link here soon), who suggests in this NatRad interview this morning that the whole purpose of military intelligence needs reviewing.
But I'd go further. Sweeping reform in the Defence Forces and Police is paramount. They seem to have completely forgotten who they serve.
Wednesday, July 04, 2012
Greg King awarded prestigious IIEKS honour
One of the highest unofficial honours in New Zealand has been awarded to Greg King, barrister-at-law. The current consensus is that the IIEKS position, or If I Ever Kill Someone, will be filled with an IHGK response (I'd Hire Greg King).
The honour is bestowed upon members of the public who perform outstanding duty in defending against sloppy state prosecutions. Former recipients of the award include Mike Bungay, Trevor de Cleene, Peter Williams and Marie Dyhrberg.
Well done Greg King, LLB, IIEKS, IHGK.
The honour is bestowed upon members of the public who perform outstanding duty in defending against sloppy state prosecutions. Former recipients of the award include Mike Bungay, Trevor de Cleene, Peter Williams and Marie Dyhrberg.
Well done Greg King, LLB, IIEKS, IHGK.
Labels:
Law
Monday, November 07, 2011
Fucking judges, how do they work?
Not as well as the parole board, according to National party policy.
I thought I had misheard NatRad's announcement of National's Law and Order policy. Even when Darth Vader in Pearls herself appeared on Checkpoint explaining the policy I couldn't quite wrap my brain around it. But it seems that National wants the Parole Board to have the ability to appeal to the High Court near the end of someone's prison sentence and incarcerate them indefinitely. No Right Turn goes into the details.
Preventative Detention is available to judges during sentencing, a novelty borne out of the last decade of Labour and National outbidding each other to show how tough on crime they are. But this plainly is not harsh enough, and National now wants the ability for the Parole Board to add time onto full sentences served.
The whole point of the rule of law is to prevent arbitrary sentencing, yet this is plainly want National are seeking. Indeed, National's MO for law and order policy seems to be one knee jerk reaction after another.
Clayton Weatherston unsuccessfully used provocation as a defence, and National changed the law. The Waihopai Three used the "claim of right" defence successfully. Not only did National change the law, they are suing the penniless priests for damages. Tame Iti's Flightless Circus managed to get some video evidence ruled inadmissible and National changed the law (with the help of Labour). And now, with the imminent release of an unrepentant "Beast of Blenheim," National wants to change the law again.
National clearly has no respect for Lady Justice.
In unrelated news, Rodney Hide is threatening to disband the democratically elected Hamilton City Council for the losses incurred by the failed V8 money-spinner. Perhaps this is an obtuse dig at his Epsom replacement John Banks, who threw $2.5 million of Auckland City ratepayers' money down the toilet over a wasted run of My Fair Lady.
I thought I had misheard NatRad's announcement of National's Law and Order policy. Even when Darth Vader in Pearls herself appeared on Checkpoint explaining the policy I couldn't quite wrap my brain around it. But it seems that National wants the Parole Board to have the ability to appeal to the High Court near the end of someone's prison sentence and incarcerate them indefinitely. No Right Turn goes into the details.
Preventative Detention is available to judges during sentencing, a novelty borne out of the last decade of Labour and National outbidding each other to show how tough on crime they are. But this plainly is not harsh enough, and National now wants the ability for the Parole Board to add time onto full sentences served.
The whole point of the rule of law is to prevent arbitrary sentencing, yet this is plainly want National are seeking. Indeed, National's MO for law and order policy seems to be one knee jerk reaction after another.
Clayton Weatherston unsuccessfully used provocation as a defence, and National changed the law. The Waihopai Three used the "claim of right" defence successfully. Not only did National change the law, they are suing the penniless priests for damages. Tame Iti's Flightless Circus managed to get some video evidence ruled inadmissible and National changed the law (with the help of Labour). And now, with the imminent release of an unrepentant "Beast of Blenheim," National wants to change the law again.
National clearly has no respect for Lady Justice.
In unrelated news, Rodney Hide is threatening to disband the democratically elected Hamilton City Council for the losses incurred by the failed V8 money-spinner. Perhaps this is an obtuse dig at his Epsom replacement John Banks, who threw $2.5 million of Auckland City ratepayers' money down the toilet over a wasted run of My Fair Lady.
Labels:
Law,
men acting badly,
National
Tuesday, September 20, 2011
Mako Polo
For a party that sells itself as a law and order party, National sure treats the law as a mutable ball of Play Doh. They have stretched and pulled at it constantly this last term with constant urgency motions, smudging the lawbooks in crayons unmoderated by the select committee process. And now, National is proposing emergency retrospective urgency to contradict the highest court in the land.
National is preparing to jump the Foreshore & Seabed shark in a penguin suit. Will they have the momentum of numbers to make it over the mako tank? Peter Dunne will plank for anyone, but the Maori Party won't put out. Will law and order hypocrites the Act party plank for the penguin? Just remember what happened to the last sand-eating penguin.
Would any concerned MP like to ask John Key during Question Time what variety of "very serious criminals" he is referring to? I'm quite sure there's some very nice criminals mixed in that clump of police perving as well. Gardeners, florists and so forth.
UPDATE: Dean Knight covers the issue very well.
UPDATE 2: Andrew Geddis is going for it here. Maui Street has a say and linkage to other reactions.
National is preparing to jump the Foreshore & Seabed shark in a penguin suit. Will they have the momentum of numbers to make it over the mako tank? Peter Dunne will plank for anyone, but the Maori Party won't put out. Will law and order hypocrites the Act party plank for the penguin? Just remember what happened to the last sand-eating penguin.
Would any concerned MP like to ask John Key during Question Time what variety of "very serious criminals" he is referring to? I'm quite sure there's some very nice criminals mixed in that clump of police perving as well. Gardeners, florists and so forth.
UPDATE: Dean Knight covers the issue very well.
UPDATE 2: Andrew Geddis is going for it here. Maui Street has a say and linkage to other reactions.
Labels:
Law,
National,
war on drugs
Saturday, September 17, 2011
Justice Rant 2.0
One of my most valued possessions is an original Hansard of the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990. The staples are a bit rusty, but it doesn't take much to hold what is essentially two pieces of yellowing A4 paper with words on it together.
This gossamer document is Joe Bloggs and Aroha Hapuka's only plain New Zilind armour to defend them against the full weight of the state machinery. You are free to come and go. You are free to choose your Tao, even ones not listed in the Department of Statistics little religion boxes. You are free from unreasonable search and seizure. You have a right to a trial by one's peers if the state threatens to lock you up.
It only takes a simple majority in Parliament to rip those words asunder. There is no love lost between me and the cold dark blue heart of this National government and its idea of justice. The right to silence is safe, for now. Simon Power couldn't muster more than a bare majority for that erosion of BoRA, relying on three kamikaze Act MPs tempted to cross the floor.
My heart has hardened to the Labour Party after they supported Simon Power's substantive changes in the Criminal Procedures Reform Bill, raising the jury threshold from three months to two years. The stench of Helen Clark remains on them with last Labour's government eroding BoRA their own way, with the Criminal Recovery Act fiddling with double jeopardy and unreasonable search and seizure. Then there was the daft and dangerous Electoral Finance Act that throttled the freedom of expression during the last election.
I'm not relying on the next Labour caucus to protect the citizens of this country from National when the re-write of the Search and Surveillance Bill is introduced to parliament properly. John Pagani thinks Greg O'Connor is spot on with his stance that police should be above the law:
But that's getting a bit too close to sub judice right now. I'll wait until next year's trial to dig into that further.
Pagani agrees with O'Connor that their illegal practices of video surveillance should be made legal. The argument this tilts on is fundamental to human rights. O'Connor spilled it on Checkpoint last night:
Greg O'Connor would be a happy man if BoRA was repealed tomorrow. His men could follow their gut instincts, fantasies and grudges with impunity, without the restraint of reason or balance of natural justice. Both of the main political parties are happy to dismantle the Bill of Rights Act, one word at a time. So, it's good to have a Supreme Court that can balance out the scales of justice a little.
No normal member of the public has such voluble PR or political access as police mouth Greg O'Connor. No-one challenges him when he spouts rubbish, such as that Checkpoint interview when he sez that the video surveillance decision will affect rape and murder inquiries. Most surveillance is on alleged crime conspiracies such as unarmed dope growers or wingnut circus militias on private land in the wop wops. Mainly the former.
Only the police can sex up a cannabis raid as seizing "$10 million worth of tinnies" and skite about how much property they have stolen with a straight face. I know people who have had their banks accounts trawled and personal belongings seized as arrest warrants are served for cannabis offences. It's a shakedown, plain a simple.
Only the police would argue to change the law to suit their illegal habits, yet stymie any de-escalation in the War on Drugs. If only the police are given more tools! more tools! then they will win this destructive civil war on our people. Somehow, the police will manage to arrest the 400,000 New Zealanders who used cannabis last year. Somehow, the nation's treatment services will get all these reasonable, rational members of the public to forsake cannabis and convert to more mainstream therapies such as alcohol, rugby or Jesus.
Thank Dagg for the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990. The rats from National and Labour might gnaw away at it, but these two pieces of paper still protect me from the vanilla people and their narrow diet. Whatever my thoughts on Tame Iti's Flightless Circus, I thank them for the precedent that will make the police think twice before perving on their eccentric neighbours.
This gossamer document is Joe Bloggs and Aroha Hapuka's only plain New Zilind armour to defend them against the full weight of the state machinery. You are free to come and go. You are free to choose your Tao, even ones not listed in the Department of Statistics little religion boxes. You are free from unreasonable search and seizure. You have a right to a trial by one's peers if the state threatens to lock you up.
It only takes a simple majority in Parliament to rip those words asunder. There is no love lost between me and the cold dark blue heart of this National government and its idea of justice. The right to silence is safe, for now. Simon Power couldn't muster more than a bare majority for that erosion of BoRA, relying on three kamikaze Act MPs tempted to cross the floor.
My heart has hardened to the Labour Party after they supported Simon Power's substantive changes in the Criminal Procedures Reform Bill, raising the jury threshold from three months to two years. The stench of Helen Clark remains on them with last Labour's government eroding BoRA their own way, with the Criminal Recovery Act fiddling with double jeopardy and unreasonable search and seizure. Then there was the daft and dangerous Electoral Finance Act that throttled the freedom of expression during the last election.
I'm not relying on the next Labour caucus to protect the citizens of this country from National when the re-write of the Search and Surveillance Bill is introduced to parliament properly. John Pagani thinks Greg O'Connor is spot on with his stance that police should be above the law:
Too many people have been far too quick ignore the seriousness of what's at stake here. Just imagine if the variety of ethnic nationalism at issue was the type preached by the Norwegian monster.Pagani sounds like he disagreed with the Norwegian political response, which was that they weren't going to over-react and curtail civil freedoms due to a single fanatical nutjob. Pagani is pointedly disagreeing with the majority decision of the Supreme Court as well. Witness the arsenal at hand:
The Crown have listed the guns which they allege the group had. They include a sawn off shot gun, a Lee Enfield .303, a rifle, a sawn off rifle and four other rifles.My old man would have still outgunned them. Former part-time Army guy Jan Molenaar could have outgunned them. There's no doubt that the resources available to the police would have outgunned them. The town of Ruatoki got a taste of force multipliers available to the police a few years ago, with not so much as an apology pending.
But that's getting a bit too close to sub judice right now. I'll wait until next year's trial to dig into that further.
Pagani agrees with O'Connor that their illegal practices of video surveillance should be made legal. The argument this tilts on is fundamental to human rights. O'Connor spilled it on Checkpoint last night:
"We always believed that if it wasn't illegal, if it was for a normal member of the public, if something's not illegal, you're essentially allowed to do it."Police are not normal members of the public. They are state servants. They are armed with a formidable range of tools well beyond the reach of a normal member of the public. No normal member of the public can harass someone quite so comprehensively as the police. The New Zealand Bill of Rights Act is the public's only protection from this brotherhood of cops.
Greg O'Connor would be a happy man if BoRA was repealed tomorrow. His men could follow their gut instincts, fantasies and grudges with impunity, without the restraint of reason or balance of natural justice. Both of the main political parties are happy to dismantle the Bill of Rights Act, one word at a time. So, it's good to have a Supreme Court that can balance out the scales of justice a little.
No normal member of the public has such voluble PR or political access as police mouth Greg O'Connor. No-one challenges him when he spouts rubbish, such as that Checkpoint interview when he sez that the video surveillance decision will affect rape and murder inquiries. Most surveillance is on alleged crime conspiracies such as unarmed dope growers or wingnut circus militias on private land in the wop wops. Mainly the former.
Only the police can sex up a cannabis raid as seizing "$10 million worth of tinnies" and skite about how much property they have stolen with a straight face. I know people who have had their banks accounts trawled and personal belongings seized as arrest warrants are served for cannabis offences. It's a shakedown, plain a simple.
Only the police would argue to change the law to suit their illegal habits, yet stymie any de-escalation in the War on Drugs. If only the police are given more tools! more tools! then they will win this destructive civil war on our people. Somehow, the police will manage to arrest the 400,000 New Zealanders who used cannabis last year. Somehow, the nation's treatment services will get all these reasonable, rational members of the public to forsake cannabis and convert to more mainstream therapies such as alcohol, rugby or Jesus.
Thank Dagg for the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990. The rats from National and Labour might gnaw away at it, but these two pieces of paper still protect me from the vanilla people and their narrow diet. Whatever my thoughts on Tame Iti's Flightless Circus, I thank them for the precedent that will make the police think twice before perving on their eccentric neighbours.
Wednesday, September 07, 2011
Justice Rant
The firearms charges against many of Tame Iti's Flightless Circus have been dropped. Just a handful of charges remain, mainly for aggressive performance art. Justice delayed is justice denied and if you can't beat the system, stalemate it.
The rumble of thunder going through the blogosphere and elsewhere over the Cunningham decision to not impede a certain comedian's career in canned laughter continues. One of the latter examples is No Right Turn comparing the obiter dicta of two sentences and their very different punchlines.
Not wanting to demean the situation, but I know people who are in prison right now for sharing flowers amongst consenting adults. Surely their so-called crimes are less despicable than pissed stand-ups going down on forbidden fruit.
One of those people in prison is Dakta Green, who is experiencing the Private Prison system first hand; the Serco Circus Experience as it is known. In some ways, the prison reflects the justice system, in that it is increasingly user pays.
May the most expensive lawyer win. Good luck to everyone else stuck with Public Defender Lotto. In the unlikely event that the wealthy lose their case and are actually sent to prison, conveniences such as in-cell widescreen TVs can be had for a fee. If you're too poor to buy the services, hopefully you'll double-bunk with a former finance company director.
In other Justice News, Medical cannabis campaigner Billy Mckee's next court hearing was unexpectedly postponed. Billy only found out on Monday through his lawyer that his day in Levin court wasn't todasy as planned, but now scheduled for October 12th.
It usually isn't the defendant who holds up things in court proceedings, as VRWC bloggers have argued. It wasn't the Defence that paused Billy's path through the justice system's large intestine. It was either a court or prosecution hold-up. Maryjane the Cannabus was planning to drive down in support Billy, and suddenly all this is put screaming to a halt due to the fickle court system.
The weight and complexity of the Crown can take almost all the time it wants to persecute their target, with resources far beyond the muster of the regular citizen. It is the defendant who is more out of pocket when they are called up, postponed and generally given the run-around while the bureaucracy sharpens its knives.
There is too much cash and bling skewing the scales of justice. Guilt and innocence are increasingly being determined by the ability to pay. Scale and proportion are out of kilter. Ethics don't even some into the equation any more. That principle died the same way as reasonable doubt and universal suffrage. Strangled by a government which is also eyeing up removing the right to silence, the right to a trial by peers not lords.
Wanna hear a joke? New Zealand's Justice System.
The rumble of thunder going through the blogosphere and elsewhere over the Cunningham decision to not impede a certain comedian's career in canned laughter continues. One of the latter examples is No Right Turn comparing the obiter dicta of two sentences and their very different punchlines.
Not wanting to demean the situation, but I know people who are in prison right now for sharing flowers amongst consenting adults. Surely their so-called crimes are less despicable than pissed stand-ups going down on forbidden fruit.
One of those people in prison is Dakta Green, who is experiencing the Private Prison system first hand; the Serco Circus Experience as it is known. In some ways, the prison reflects the justice system, in that it is increasingly user pays.
May the most expensive lawyer win. Good luck to everyone else stuck with Public Defender Lotto. In the unlikely event that the wealthy lose their case and are actually sent to prison, conveniences such as in-cell widescreen TVs can be had for a fee. If you're too poor to buy the services, hopefully you'll double-bunk with a former finance company director.
In other Justice News, Medical cannabis campaigner Billy Mckee's next court hearing was unexpectedly postponed. Billy only found out on Monday through his lawyer that his day in Levin court wasn't todasy as planned, but now scheduled for October 12th.
It usually isn't the defendant who holds up things in court proceedings, as VRWC bloggers have argued. It wasn't the Defence that paused Billy's path through the justice system's large intestine. It was either a court or prosecution hold-up. Maryjane the Cannabus was planning to drive down in support Billy, and suddenly all this is put screaming to a halt due to the fickle court system.
The weight and complexity of the Crown can take almost all the time it wants to persecute their target, with resources far beyond the muster of the regular citizen. It is the defendant who is more out of pocket when they are called up, postponed and generally given the run-around while the bureaucracy sharpens its knives.
There is too much cash and bling skewing the scales of justice. Guilt and innocence are increasingly being determined by the ability to pay. Scale and proportion are out of kilter. Ethics don't even some into the equation any more. That principle died the same way as reasonable doubt and universal suffrage. Strangled by a government which is also eyeing up removing the right to silence, the right to a trial by peers not lords.
Wanna hear a joke? New Zealand's Justice System.
Labels:
Law
Wednesday, August 10, 2011
Court rejects DNA rape
While the National government haggles with the Maori and Act parties over the half-good half-awful Criminal Procedure (Reform and Modernisation) Bill, it is worth revisiting an earlier Nat law making it a crime for arrestees not to produce a DNA sample. That's because the California Appeals Court has ruled the collection of DNA samples from arrestees as unconstitutional:
A lot like some of the consequences of this Criminal Procedures Bill facing the minor support parties, where the accused loses the right to silence, and the Crown no longer has to prove their case based on their evidence by introducing agreed facts and other contrivances to diminish a fair trial.
The right to jury trials for imprisonable offences will shoot up from 3 months to 3 years. The Law Commission suggested this in their Delivering Justice for All paper from a while ago, but it was one of a sweeping range of reforms which the Nats have otherwise studiously ignored. Where's the decriminalisation of cannabis that they implicitly suggested? Where's the quid pro quo? Where's the balance?
Until the NZ Supreme Court can have a proper whack at all these repugnant Nat laws (Stripping the vote from all prisoners, DNA testing arrestees), it is up to the Maori and Act parties to hold back the whole damn sausage factory legal system, whereby the ones who hire a flash lawyer win and the rest don't have a chance.
“What the DNA Act authorizes is the warrantless and suspicionless search of individuals, before a judicial determination of probable cause to believe they have committed a crime, for evidence of crime unrelated to that for which they have been arrested,” (.pdf) the court wrote. “The United States Supreme Court has never permitted suspicionless searches aimed at uncovering evidence of crime outside the context of convicted offenders.”The law breaches the US Constitution's Fourth Amendment on unreasonable search and seizure. The New Zealand Bill of Rights 1990 echoes this protection in Section 21. Unlike the US Constitution, the NZ Bill of Rights is more of a carpet than a fence, so although against the spirit of freedom from state menaces, John Key and company can walk all over our sovereignty at their leisure.
A lot like some of the consequences of this Criminal Procedures Bill facing the minor support parties, where the accused loses the right to silence, and the Crown no longer has to prove their case based on their evidence by introducing agreed facts and other contrivances to diminish a fair trial.
The right to jury trials for imprisonable offences will shoot up from 3 months to 3 years. The Law Commission suggested this in their Delivering Justice for All paper from a while ago, but it was one of a sweeping range of reforms which the Nats have otherwise studiously ignored. Where's the decriminalisation of cannabis that they implicitly suggested? Where's the quid pro quo? Where's the balance?
Until the NZ Supreme Court can have a proper whack at all these repugnant Nat laws (Stripping the vote from all prisoners, DNA testing arrestees), it is up to the Maori and Act parties to hold back the whole damn sausage factory legal system, whereby the ones who hire a flash lawyer win and the rest don't have a chance.
Labels:
Law,
National,
privacy rape
Thursday, February 10, 2011
Quote of the day
"If ever a Government indifferent at heart to basic rights were to hold office in this country, it could force through, possibly in a matter of hours and by the barest of majorities, legislation opposed to basic principles of justice. Orthodox theory has in the past been that the Courts could not intervene. I am not so sure; the authority of Parliament itself - supremacy as it is often called - ultimately turns on judicial recognition."
- Lord Cooke of Thorndon, "Practicalities of a Bill of Rights" Australian Bar Review 189,201.
Labels:
human rights,
Law
Thursday, October 21, 2010
Portrait of ugly
The bill to strip the vote from all prisoners passed its second reading last night. The bill's sponsor, National MP Paul Quinn, began the vote:
I urge you to watch the clip above for a study in hollow arguments and poor communication. Of the nine minute clip, the first two minutes plods across the glaring hole in the legislation as pointed out by Andrew Geddis (That was the part of the bill which gave all prisoners the right to vote). Paul Quinn places the blame on the Parliamentary drafters, not his own daft bill. Quinn then spends the rest of his time defending the bill against the minority reports from the select committee, brushing Bill of Rights Act protections aside.
This vulgar speech was followed up by further ugliness. Team Nat backed up the bill with token Me Too-isms:
Act the allegedly Liberal Party's Heather Roy chimes in with 30 seconds of nodding:
I have been angered in the past with abuse of parliamentary action. MPs rushing through additions to their Superannuation entitlements in the dead of night, smash and grab tax increases on tobacco and alcohol. But this is law without reason. It is ideological not logical. This is a new low.
I urge you to watch the clip above for a study in hollow arguments and poor communication. Of the nine minute clip, the first two minutes plods across the glaring hole in the legislation as pointed out by Andrew Geddis (That was the part of the bill which gave all prisoners the right to vote). Paul Quinn places the blame on the Parliamentary drafters, not his own daft bill. Quinn then spends the rest of his time defending the bill against the minority reports from the select committee, brushing Bill of Rights Act protections aside.
This vulgar speech was followed up by further ugliness. Team Nat backed up the bill with token Me Too-isms:
Act the allegedly Liberal Party's Heather Roy chimes in with 30 seconds of nodding:
I have been angered in the past with abuse of parliamentary action. MPs rushing through additions to their Superannuation entitlements in the dead of night, smash and grab tax increases on tobacco and alcohol. But this is law without reason. It is ideological not logical. This is a new low.
Friday, July 16, 2010
The Magnificent 7
Russell Brown's Media 7 this week featured a yak with TVNZ News Boss Anthony Flannery on the intriguing future for news gathering:
He's not wrong.
Congratulations to Vic Uni Law School, Gibson Group and TVNZ 7 for their new show, The Court Report. HT to Steven Price. Probably borrowing the Back Benchers' offsite studios on their days off, the show has lawyers questioning lawyers on current affairs in front of a live audience of baby (student) lawyers.
It's a bit rough around the edges, but so what. The details will smooth out. The Court Report is a welcome addition to TVNZ's new style of programming "flavours". There's Media 7, analysing media affairs in front of a live audience. Back Benches gets truthful and nasty with pub politics. The Ad Show has the dope for the Advertising & PR darlings.
So yeah, a deeper dig into Law is very welcome. The first episode looks at NZ's archaic adoption laws, with Dean Knight seeing little hurry from Simon Power on the matter.
But there's a real wealth of subjects to cover in the future. Hell, Family Court stories alone could take up a season. Take divorce. If there's one thing that I think separates my generation with ones that came before or after, the boomers and the Y's, it was the change in the divorce property laws.
It wasn't until the Matrimonial Property Act 1976 that wives even got an anticipated divvy of the property. My father, an accomplished divorce lawyer, divorced my mother in 1974. He saw this law coming and jumped early. He used to crow about it years later, proud of the fact that Mum didn't get a spare cent out of him. He kept the house and money, she kept the kids. He dismissed Mum's lawyer as pedestrian and made the judge laugh.
But I digress. Things have changed. All I'll add is, watch out doctors/ nurses and accountants. I reckon you'll be next in line for your wonk of the week show on TVNZ7.
There are some job losses but TVNZ News Boss Anthony Flannery is upbeat about a new strategy that will see reporters going into the field better equipped to deliver stories to air faster and to service the growing range of platforms that carry news content.
There will be changes too inside the Television Centre with "centralized hubs" where coverage will be planned and stories will be processed and delivered to the growing number of different streams that carry daily news content.
He's not wrong.
Congratulations to Vic Uni Law School, Gibson Group and TVNZ 7 for their new show, The Court Report. HT to Steven Price. Probably borrowing the Back Benchers' offsite studios on their days off, the show has lawyers questioning lawyers on current affairs in front of a live audience of baby (student) lawyers.
It's a bit rough around the edges, but so what. The details will smooth out. The Court Report is a welcome addition to TVNZ's new style of programming "flavours". There's Media 7, analysing media affairs in front of a live audience. Back Benches gets truthful and nasty with pub politics. The Ad Show has the dope for the Advertising & PR darlings.
So yeah, a deeper dig into Law is very welcome. The first episode looks at NZ's archaic adoption laws, with Dean Knight seeing little hurry from Simon Power on the matter.
But there's a real wealth of subjects to cover in the future. Hell, Family Court stories alone could take up a season. Take divorce. If there's one thing that I think separates my generation with ones that came before or after, the boomers and the Y's, it was the change in the divorce property laws.
It wasn't until the Matrimonial Property Act 1976 that wives even got an anticipated divvy of the property. My father, an accomplished divorce lawyer, divorced my mother in 1974. He saw this law coming and jumped early. He used to crow about it years later, proud of the fact that Mum didn't get a spare cent out of him. He kept the house and money, she kept the kids. He dismissed Mum's lawyer as pedestrian and made the judge laugh.
But I digress. Things have changed. All I'll add is, watch out doctors/ nurses and accountants. I reckon you'll be next in line for your wonk of the week show on TVNZ7.
Thursday, April 29, 2010
More thoughts on Switched On Gardener
Photo suppiled by NZ Police Propaganda Office
Another facet to the Crown's case against Switched On Gardener is the important matter of censorship. The particular photo above is very telling. The NZ Police consider gun magazines OK but bud porn and human rights magazines not. There's a bad whiff of Internal Affairs and Customs about all of this.
I gather much of the case will rest on their undercover spies, who established a relationship with the owner operators of the various stores. Switched on Gardener, unlike their backstabbing two-faced entrappers, has never pretended to be anything other than what it is. It has operated for nigh on a decade in much the same fashion.
It might be argued that the illusion of tolerance for all those years allowed the peaceful homegrow market to grow up. This massive raid was nothing more than a cynical harvesting of some obvious hippies. Good for the PR, MSM, stats and other Key Performance Indicators. This was the raid on Hamsterdam-lite, shooting at fish in a barrel.
As Bomber pointed out on yesterday's Panel on NatRad, the civil forfeiture regime was sold on getting tough on gangs. I don't know if the police can maintain the lie that Switched On Gardener were gang members. Not unless they want to claim nursery centres, Mr Green and Hire A Hubby are gangs too.
Another thing that bugs me is hearing about how the Judas conversations about growing tips are being used as evidence against SOG. They're clamping down on not only arty magazines, but talking science as well? I thought the Bill of Rights Act had some pretty concise protections on the freedoms of expression. Conversation is not illegal yet.
The chatter about police narcs being sold clones is also an interesting thing. The Law Commission has some very interesting things to say about social dealing. From page 194 of Controlling and Regulating Drugs:
10.21 Although scale should generally be treated simply as a sentencing matter, there is a class of supply that we consider should be carved out for separate treatment. This class of supply is “social supply”, where supply is of a very low level, among friends or acquaintances, without profit or with a very small profit, and with no significant element of commerciality.
You can't get high off a clone. Not in the immediate future, anyway. Clearly, if you wanted to nurture the thing to fruition, there's a big difference. If anything, the undercover traitors should be arresting themselves. And how much would you give a friend or acquaintance for a guaranteed girl plant of known parentage anyway? The SPCA charge a tonne for speyed kitties. What do you think a pedigree is worth?
Final thought for the moment; the jury nullification precedent set by the Waihopai hippies. There's a chance that juries will throw the charges out, finding the offences absurd and penalties disproportionate. If I was on the jury, I know I would.
Saturday, February 27, 2010
Law Commission on Drugs Part 4 - NZ History of drug regulation
Chapter Four - The history and development of drug regulation, pages 44 to 59 of the Law Commission's Controlling and Regulating Drugs discussion document.
This chapter of the paper is split into two parts. The first looks at the history of drug regulation in NZ up to 1975. The second part looks at the time between the Misuse of Drugs Act 1975 to today (4.1).
Opium was widely used in Europe and America in the 18th and 19th Century to treat a range of ailments (4.2). Opium and morphine was introduced to NZ by gold miners, many of whom were former American Civil War veterans who had got hooked on them after being treated for injuries with these drugs (4.3). Opium, morphine and heroin were used in many imported medicines and tonics in NZ toward the end of the 19th Century.
The Law Commission neglects to mention that former Crimean War nurse and all-round good nun Suzanne Aubert was the first person to introduce and grow cannabis in NZ. Just as Queen Victoria used cannabis to alleviate her menstrual pains, Mother Mary Suzanne Aubert (Meri to the locals) made tinctures to treat her patients in NZ.
The first drug law in NZ dealt with opium (4.4):
Throughout the 20th Century, NZ's drug laws have mirrored international conventions (4.9). The first of these was the Shanghai Declaration (1909), followed by the Opium Convention (1912). The latter introduced controls on morphine, codeine, heroin and cocaine, as well as opium. The International Convention relating to Opium and Other Dangerous Drugs 1924 first introduced controls on cannabis (4.10).
The NZ government enacted this convention with the Dangerous Drugs Act 1927 (4.11). Smoking opium (manufacture, sale, possession and use thereof) was prohibited still, while all Dangerous Drugs listed in the schedule were fully restricted. Licenses were required to make or sell these substances, and could only be acquired for use by doctor's prescription (4.12).
The Medicine Men proved very popular with New Zealanders. From 4.14:
All these international treaties were enacted before the United Nations came into being. The UN brought all these treaties together, as well as expanded upon them, with the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs 1961 (My headache-in-advance about covering Chapter Six grows more painful). From 4.17:
NZ ratified this convention with the Narcotics Act 1965 (4.18). The Act introduced the distinction between possession for personal use and possession for supply. It introduced presumed quantities of drugs that would reverse the burden of proof. From 4.19:
In 1968, the Holyoake government commissioned the Blake-Palmer Policy Review to:
The Blake-Palmer Review reported back in 1973, noting that NZ drug use reflected international trends (4.23) (Mental note here. In the US, the ill-fated Shafer Commission Report was released in 1972). Some interesting stats:
The Blake-Palmer report recommended a new Act, partly in response to the UN's 1972 Convention on Drugs (4.25). All drugs which are subject to misuse (excluding alcohol and tobacco) were to be included. Maximum penalties would reflect the "relative degree of harm" of these drugs. While criminal sanctions were necessary for enforcement, the report recommended police use their discretion on people who were users not dealers (4.26).
4.27 sez:
Drugs were classified A, B or C. An amendment in 2000 clarified exactly what harm each Class represented; A was "very high risk", B was "high risk" and C "moderate risk." In the same year, the Expert Advisory Committee on Drugs was formed to evaluate substances (4.31). Note to self; it was Labour not National who introduced the EACD. Not that the EACD changed anything. No drug has changed Class since the original Act was drawn up in 1975 (4.32).
As well as three classes of drugs, the MODA introduced three levels of crime. As well as possession for personal use and supply, a new offence for "dealing" was invented. 4.33 with the nitty gritty:
The presumption for supply burden of proof was re-affirmed (4.34). As per Blake-Plamer, possession for personal use had the lowest of all maximum sentences. From 4.35:
The Misuse of Drugs Act has been amended many times (4.38). 1978 saw Customs and Police get powers to untertake controlled deliveries, essentially intercepting some drugs in transit, wrapping them up again, and following the parcel to its destination. Detaining someone suspected of holding drugs for up to 21 days was also included here, as was interception of personal communication (4.39).
The MODA 1975 also made drug utensils illegal. 1988 saw an exception for needles obtained through needle exchange programmes (4.40). Designer drugs (4.42) such as Ecstasy were also appearing on the market by this stage, and analogues were added to the schedule of harmful drugs. The rise in methamphetamine saw precursors controlled too. These controls were tightened even further in 2005 (4.45). The 2005 Amendment introduced the new "Schedule D" in response to the flourishing BZP market (4.46). In 2008, another amendment moved BZP into the Class C department.
In the thirty-odd years the MODA has been around, it has been subject to 22 amendments and 10 Orders. "[I]t is questionable whether it now provides a coherent or effective legislative framework" (4.48). The offence and penalty structure has been around for a generation and has never been changed. There are also problems with the presumption for supply in the Act and the Bill of Rights, as successfully argued in the Hansen case (4.49).
But by far the biggest problem is the Act's incompatibility with the National Drug Policy and the principle of harm minimisation (4.50). By criminalising a health matter, the MODA places many barriers between drug users and treatment, education and care (4.53). Harm reduction strategies such as needle exchange programmes are also impaired by the legal status quo (4.54).
A new Act is needed to address these multiple issues.
Up next - the Current Approach
This chapter of the paper is split into two parts. The first looks at the history of drug regulation in NZ up to 1975. The second part looks at the time between the Misuse of Drugs Act 1975 to today (4.1).
Opium was widely used in Europe and America in the 18th and 19th Century to treat a range of ailments (4.2). Opium and morphine was introduced to NZ by gold miners, many of whom were former American Civil War veterans who had got hooked on them after being treated for injuries with these drugs (4.3). Opium, morphine and heroin were used in many imported medicines and tonics in NZ toward the end of the 19th Century.
The Law Commission neglects to mention that former Crimean War nurse and all-round good nun Suzanne Aubert was the first person to introduce and grow cannabis in NZ. Just as Queen Victoria used cannabis to alleviate her menstrual pains, Mother Mary Suzanne Aubert (Meri to the locals) made tinctures to treat her patients in NZ.
The first drug law in NZ dealt with opium (4.4):
Opium was first regulated under the Sale of Poisons Act 1866. Bottles or packets of opium laudanum powder and other poisons covered by the Act had to be “clearly and distinctly” labelled and the word “poison” had to appear on the label.The Opium Prohibition Act 1901 banned the smoking of opium, and was aimed at persecuting Chinese immigrants (4.7). Grains and tinctures of opium were not prohibited, although the Sale of Poisons Act 1908 required importers to be licensed (4.5):
For example, a person could lawfully purchase approximately 24 grains of opium a week from a licensed vendor without a prescription. With a prescription, he or she could obtain up to 16 fluid ounces a week.Chinese were forbidden from obtaining import licenses, and their residences could be searched without a warrant if there was reasonable cause to believe opium smoking was occurring on their property. After 1910, Chinese were the only ethnicity banned from buying opium without a prescription or a permit from the Minister of Customs (4.8).
Throughout the 20th Century, NZ's drug laws have mirrored international conventions (4.9). The first of these was the Shanghai Declaration (1909), followed by the Opium Convention (1912). The latter introduced controls on morphine, codeine, heroin and cocaine, as well as opium. The International Convention relating to Opium and Other Dangerous Drugs 1924 first introduced controls on cannabis (4.10).
The NZ government enacted this convention with the Dangerous Drugs Act 1927 (4.11). Smoking opium (manufacture, sale, possession and use thereof) was prohibited still, while all Dangerous Drugs listed in the schedule were fully restricted. Licenses were required to make or sell these substances, and could only be acquired for use by doctor's prescription (4.12).
The Medicine Men proved very popular with New Zealanders. From 4.14:
Health records from this period suggest that various drugs covered by the Act were liberally prescribed, particularly once prescriptions were publicly funded after 1941. Heroin was, for example, readily available on prescription in an oral dose form and was used widely in linctuses until the mid-1950s in New Zealand. Regulations made under the Dangerous Drugs Act during the 1940s permitted doctors to prescribe up to 16 oral doses of heroin in one prescription. By the end of the 1940s New Zealand was one of the highest users of heroin per capita in the world.Barbiturate use in NZ during the 1940's was also high (4.16). Amphetamines became a restricted drug after 1957, not that that stopped Ronald Morrieson of Hawera (writer of Came a Hot Friday and The Scarecrow) using quite a lot of them.
All these international treaties were enacted before the United Nations came into being. The UN brought all these treaties together, as well as expanded upon them, with the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs 1961 (My headache-in-advance about covering Chapter Six grows more painful). From 4.17:
The Convention, which covered over 100 drugs, was significantly influenced by the prohibitionist approach that was beginning to dominate drug policy in the United States and culminated in President Nixon’s formal initiation of America’s “War on Drugs” in 1971.
NZ ratified this convention with the Narcotics Act 1965 (4.18). The Act introduced the distinction between possession for personal use and possession for supply. It introduced presumed quantities of drugs that would reverse the burden of proof. From 4.19:
If the person could not discharge this burden, he or she could be convicted of the more serious offence of dealing in narcotics. According to the Minister of Police at the time, the original quantities set in the Act were intended to be equivalent to “100 shots or doses” of a drug.Police powers of search without warrant were introduced. Persons and private property could be searched without a court order if they were thought to be holding prohibited drugs (4.20).
In 1968, the Holyoake government commissioned the Blake-Palmer Policy Review to:
[E]nquire into and report on drug dependency and drug abuse in New Zealand and matters relating thereto and make recommendations.4.22 continues:
The 1960s had brought significant changes to patterns of drug use in the West. Recreational drug use had become more widespread during the 1960s with the growth in youth counterculture and the emergence of psychedelic drugs. Originating in the youth movement in the United States, the psychedelic “hippie” counterculture spread to other western countries through the 1960s and 1970s. This counterculture promoted experimentation with cannabis and hallucinogens like LSD, mescaline and peyote to explore alternative states of consciousness. Despite the adoption of strong prohibition policies at both the international and national level, the use of such drugs had increased and became almost synonymous with youth culture, protest and social rebellion.As opposed, for example, to the heroin, morphine and amphetamines that their parents grew up with.
The Blake-Palmer Review reported back in 1973, noting that NZ drug use reflected international trends (4.23) (Mental note here. In the US, the ill-fated Shafer Commission Report was released in 1972). Some interesting stats:
Between 1955 and 1963, the number of people charged with a drug offence never rose above 40 but, in 1972, 700 people were charged with drug offences.In 2008, drug prosecution charges totalled 20,309. More than half of those, 10,698, were for possession or dealing cannabis. (No easy hyperlink. You have to play around with the Stats' Depts Table Builder).
The Blake-Palmer report recommended a new Act, partly in response to the UN's 1972 Convention on Drugs (4.25). All drugs which are subject to misuse (excluding alcohol and tobacco) were to be included. Maximum penalties would reflect the "relative degree of harm" of these drugs. While criminal sanctions were necessary for enforcement, the report recommended police use their discretion on people who were users not dealers (4.26).
4.27 sez:
The Committee recommended improving the treatment options and support for those dependent on drugs and argued for high quality community education about the risks of drug abuse and dependence. It stressed that one of the most effective sanctions would always lie in the provision of good, soundly based, unemotive educational programmes within the broader context of healthy living aimed at moderating the overall use of chemical substances:The Misuse of Drugs Act 1975 (MODA) came into effect on 1 June 1977, one week after the release of Star Wars. The Act followed the Blake-Palmer recommendation of introducing a schedule of drugs (4.29). The Act allowed for a strict licensing regime, including medical and research purposes (4.30), as allowed under the international conventions.
[A]ttitudes of moderation as a norm in our society would, it is believed, do more to reduce the illicit misuse of drugs than over-reliance on criminal sanctionsby themselves.
Drugs were classified A, B or C. An amendment in 2000 clarified exactly what harm each Class represented; A was "very high risk", B was "high risk" and C "moderate risk." In the same year, the Expert Advisory Committee on Drugs was formed to evaluate substances (4.31). Note to self; it was Labour not National who introduced the EACD. Not that the EACD changed anything. No drug has changed Class since the original Act was drawn up in 1975 (4.32).
As well as three classes of drugs, the MODA introduced three levels of crime. As well as possession for personal use and supply, a new offence for "dealing" was invented. 4.33 with the nitty gritty:
Dealing is importing, exporting, producing, manufacturing, selling or otherwise supplying or administering a controlled drug to another person... The maximum penalties in the Act were increased in 1979 and have not been changed since. The maximum penalty for dealing in Class A drugs is imprisonment for life; a Class B drug 14 years; and a Class C drug eight years.The maximum for dealing Class A drugs is the same sentence as murder. Class B is the same as rape, while Class C is like aggravated robbery. You'd have to be drunk as Rob Muldoon to consider that fair and just.
The presumption for supply burden of proof was re-affirmed (4.34). As per Blake-Plamer, possession for personal use had the lowest of all maximum sentences. From 4.35:
The maximum penalty for possession for personal use of a Class A drug is six months imprisonment and a fine of $1000 or both; a Class B or C drug three months imprisonment or a fine not exceeding $500 or both. The Act also contains a presumption against imprisonment for possession or use of a Class C drug. The Act did not incorporate the types of alternatives to prosecution and criminal sanction for drug users suggested by the Blake-Palmer Committee.Going to show that Muldoon was our own Little Nixon; a hypocrite and drunk in one small vile package.
The Misuse of Drugs Act has been amended many times (4.38). 1978 saw Customs and Police get powers to untertake controlled deliveries, essentially intercepting some drugs in transit, wrapping them up again, and following the parcel to its destination. Detaining someone suspected of holding drugs for up to 21 days was also included here, as was interception of personal communication (4.39).
The MODA 1975 also made drug utensils illegal. 1988 saw an exception for needles obtained through needle exchange programmes (4.40). Designer drugs (4.42) such as Ecstasy were also appearing on the market by this stage, and analogues were added to the schedule of harmful drugs. The rise in methamphetamine saw precursors controlled too. These controls were tightened even further in 2005 (4.45). The 2005 Amendment introduced the new "Schedule D" in response to the flourishing BZP market (4.46). In 2008, another amendment moved BZP into the Class C department.
In the thirty-odd years the MODA has been around, it has been subject to 22 amendments and 10 Orders. "[I]t is questionable whether it now provides a coherent or effective legislative framework" (4.48). The offence and penalty structure has been around for a generation and has never been changed. There are also problems with the presumption for supply in the Act and the Bill of Rights, as successfully argued in the Hansen case (4.49).
But by far the biggest problem is the Act's incompatibility with the National Drug Policy and the principle of harm minimisation (4.50). By criminalising a health matter, the MODA places many barriers between drug users and treatment, education and care (4.53). Harm reduction strategies such as needle exchange programmes are also impaired by the legal status quo (4.54).
A new Act is needed to address these multiple issues.
Up next - the Current Approach
Labels:
Law,
MODA Review,
war on drugs
Tuesday, February 23, 2010
Law Commission on Drugs Part 3 - Drug Policy
Chapter 3 - An introduction to the current drug policy of harm minimisation, pages 37 - 43 of the Law Commission's Controlling and Regulating Drugs Discussion Paper
The Law Commission's goal in the discussion paper is to support and improve the effectiveness and efficiency of the government's drug policy (3.1). The drug policy is contained in the National Drug Policy 2007 -2012 (3.2). This is the second edition of the NDP. The first was introduced in 1998 by the National led coalition government. The idea behind the NDP was to coordinate local, central and non-government agencies involved in alcohol and drug treatment.
The NDP recognises that drug use is primarily a health issue, and the health-based response is summed up in the principle of harm minimisation (3.3):
Let's just step back for a moment. The National Drug Policy was introduced by the Associate Minister of Health at the time, the National government's Roger Sowry. The second iteration was presented by then Associate Minister of Health, Jim Anderton under a Labour government. The third version is due in time for 2013. The future is unwritten.
Back to it. What does harm minimisation mean anyway? Here's 3.4:
There's three pillars ( I call 'em prongs) to harm minimisation (3.6), demand reduction, supply control and problem limitation. These will be explained soon. It's a shame that the ideology trumps the reality (3.7). The NDP attempts to side-step the prohibition argument, focusing instead on effective strategies:
This is tricky because, as mentioned earlier, harms are bloody difficult to quantify (3.8). The Law Commission is open to better ideas. Lacking alternatives, hey, it's not that bad either (3.10).
In describing the three prongs in more depth, the Law Commission introduces the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) (3.11). I'm already getting a headache in advance thinking about writing up Chapter 6 of the report, which covers NZ's international obligations. My opinion of the UNODC is not high, seeing it has historically been an opaque, top-down, banana republic unto itself.
That said, perhaps things have changed. From 3.12:
The first is Supply Control (3.15), and will already be familiar to anyone. It is regulation taken to the nth degree. Supply control means Cops, Customs, Courts and Prisons. Between 2000 and 2006, Police and Customs seized 453,746 kilograms of cannabis, 408 kilograms of stimulants, and under 14.5 kilograms of heroin (3.16).
The quality of these drug hauls is not mentioned, but I doubt that it was all primo and uncut. And by some police and customs estimates, seizure rates count for around one tenth of actual consumption. No-one really knows for sure. But by that reckoning, NZ went through 45 tonnes of cannabis in six years!
At least, that's illegal drug supply control. Legal drugs have more nuanced regulation. Doctor prescriptions is a form of supply control too, as is licensed premises for alcohol, or age limits on buying tobacco.
Demand Reduction focuses on "reducing an individual's desire to use drugs" (3.18). Prohibition is a demand reduction strategy in two ways. It shapes social attitudes and culture, as well as deterring people from using drugs (3.19). Drug and lifestyle programs also contribute. Think FADE's giraffe or Nancy Reagan's Just Say No! campaign. There's also other, less abstinence-only based programs, such as CAYAD (3.21).
The prong of problem limitation involves reducing the harms of existing drug use (3.22). It can include emergency services, drug treatment, ongoing social support and self-help programmes (3.24).
The NDP has this to say about the Harm Reduction prong (3.25):
Some of these strategies have proven controversial, as they ignore completely the abstinence approach. The Needle Exchange Programme would be a good example. Methadone treatment is another (3.29). Some other countries provide supervised injecting clinics (3.30).
Another option is drug testing facilities, which will inform users what exactly they are taking (3.31). Such a measure can prevent fatal overdoses or poisoning from bad shit. Anecdotally, some overseas nightclubs perform this service as a matter of business.
Up Next: The history and development of drug regulation.
The Law Commission's goal in the discussion paper is to support and improve the effectiveness and efficiency of the government's drug policy (3.1). The drug policy is contained in the National Drug Policy 2007 -2012 (3.2). This is the second edition of the NDP. The first was introduced in 1998 by the National led coalition government. The idea behind the NDP was to coordinate local, central and non-government agencies involved in alcohol and drug treatment.
The NDP recognises that drug use is primarily a health issue, and the health-based response is summed up in the principle of harm minimisation (3.3):
The overarching goal of the National Drug Policy is to prevent and reduce the health, social, and economic harms that are linked to tobacco, alcohol, illegal and other drug use.
Let's just step back for a moment. The National Drug Policy was introduced by the Associate Minister of Health at the time, the National government's Roger Sowry. The second iteration was presented by then Associate Minister of Health, Jim Anderton under a Labour government. The third version is due in time for 2013. The future is unwritten.
Back to it. What does harm minimisation mean anyway? Here's 3.4:
Harm minimisation is an approach that is designed to limit the overall harms that result from the consumption of drugs. Strategies that are designed to reduce or eliminate consumption, to provide treatment to users, or to make the conditions under which drugs are consumed safer are therefore a means to an end rather than ends in themselves. The ultimate question to be asked in respect of any drug policy measure is whether it is a cost effective means of minimising harm, however defined.Manage consumption, treat and care. Yep, that sounds like the Health sector to me. No wonder this namby pamby welfare of drug users is sometimes mistaken for liberal, pro-legalisation agitprop (3.5). Indeed, this ideological battle isn't confined to NZ shores, but is happening around the world.
There's three pillars ( I call 'em prongs) to harm minimisation (3.6), demand reduction, supply control and problem limitation. These will be explained soon. It's a shame that the ideology trumps the reality (3.7). The NDP attempts to side-step the prohibition argument, focusing instead on effective strategies:
[T]he harm that is eliminated by any strategy needs to be greater than the harm that it imposes.
This is tricky because, as mentioned earlier, harms are bloody difficult to quantify (3.8). The Law Commission is open to better ideas. Lacking alternatives, hey, it's not that bad either (3.10).
In describing the three prongs in more depth, the Law Commission introduces the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) (3.11). I'm already getting a headache in advance thinking about writing up Chapter 6 of the report, which covers NZ's international obligations. My opinion of the UNODC is not high, seeing it has historically been an opaque, top-down, banana republic unto itself.
That said, perhaps things have changed. From 3.12:
The Executive Director of UNODC, Antonio Maria Costa, has suggested that there has been an imbalance in both resourcing and policy priorities between supply control measures and measures aimed at reducing demand and treating drug dependency and addiction.OK, on to the three prongs (3.13):
supply control – measures that control or limit the availability of drugs;
demand reduction – measures that seek to limit the use of drugs by individuals, including abstinence; and
problem limitation – measures that reduce the harm that arises from existing drug use.
The first is Supply Control (3.15), and will already be familiar to anyone. It is regulation taken to the nth degree. Supply control means Cops, Customs, Courts and Prisons. Between 2000 and 2006, Police and Customs seized 453,746 kilograms of cannabis, 408 kilograms of stimulants, and under 14.5 kilograms of heroin (3.16).
The quality of these drug hauls is not mentioned, but I doubt that it was all primo and uncut. And by some police and customs estimates, seizure rates count for around one tenth of actual consumption. No-one really knows for sure. But by that reckoning, NZ went through 45 tonnes of cannabis in six years!
At least, that's illegal drug supply control. Legal drugs have more nuanced regulation. Doctor prescriptions is a form of supply control too, as is licensed premises for alcohol, or age limits on buying tobacco.
Demand Reduction focuses on "reducing an individual's desire to use drugs" (3.18). Prohibition is a demand reduction strategy in two ways. It shapes social attitudes and culture, as well as deterring people from using drugs (3.19). Drug and lifestyle programs also contribute. Think FADE's giraffe or Nancy Reagan's Just Say No! campaign. There's also other, less abstinence-only based programs, such as CAYAD (3.21).
The prong of problem limitation involves reducing the harms of existing drug use (3.22). It can include emergency services, drug treatment, ongoing social support and self-help programmes (3.24).
The NDP has this to say about the Harm Reduction prong (3.25):
Some problem limitation interventions do not seek to eliminate or reduce drug use in the short to medium term, but instead aim to reduce the related harm to the individual and community.
Some of these strategies have proven controversial, as they ignore completely the abstinence approach. The Needle Exchange Programme would be a good example. Methadone treatment is another (3.29). Some other countries provide supervised injecting clinics (3.30).
Another option is drug testing facilities, which will inform users what exactly they are taking (3.31). Such a measure can prevent fatal overdoses or poisoning from bad shit. Anecdotally, some overseas nightclubs perform this service as a matter of business.
Up Next: The history and development of drug regulation.
Labels:
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MODA Review,
war on drugs
Sunday, February 21, 2010
Law Commission on Drugs Part 2 - Drug Harms
Chapter 2 - The harms arising from drug use, pages 18 -36
It is "unarguable" that drugs, both legal and illegal, cause significant harm to society (2.1). There's a nice admission of societal biases. The harms of legal drugs are usually understated, while illegal drug harm is generally overstated. This comment is footnoted by the Law Commission's recent Alcohol in Our Lives paper.
Personally, I reckon society has got a fairly good grip on the harms of legal drugs, such as alcohol and tobacco. Public understanding of illegal drugs is more ignorance than overstatement. It's the moral tub thumpers that overstate the alleged harms. Ignorance and morality are the inbred parents of our current drug laws.
Psychoactive drugs change mood, perception, cognition and behaviour (2.2). Well, duh. That definition is accurate enough to include the publicly acceptable legal highs such as caffeine, sugar and chocolate, and wide enough to include non-drug events such as gambling, Shortland St and the weather. They narrow this down by describing how drugs change the psyche to create binary "effects and possible harms" - toxicity and dependence.
I would consider Shortland St to be toxic and harmful with many addicts, but the report is limited to looking at illegal ingested substances. Soap is legal in NZ. But the toxicity/dependence paradigm is apt. You can easily apply those terms to caffeine, sugar and chocolate, and they are applicable to the other legal and illegal drugs on the wider legislative menu.
The report goes on to list other less direct harms associated with drug use; prostitution, fraud and impaired driving (2.3). Drug use can also harm others (2.4), and reads like that infamous BERL report, which will rear its head eight paragraphs into the future.
2.5 caveats these supposed harms, stating that much of it is unquantifiable, and polydrug use clouds where harms might be attributed. Harms differ depending on a range of uncontrollable factors (2.6), and not all drugs are equal in the harm department (2.7). The harms caused by drug prohibition are often confused as drug harm (2.8)
And if drugs are so bad for people, why do they take them anyway? 2.9 sez:
"Notwithstanding these real challenges in describing and quantifying the harms", 2.11 introduces the infamous BERL report, and spends the next page and a half quoting liberally from the discredited document. 2.14 spends a short time describing the 2005 UK Drug Harm Index, but not actually mentioning what it concluded. To refresh your memory and to fill its absence from the Law Commission report, here it is again:
In fairness to the Law Commission, they spend the next few paragraphs (2.15 to 2.20) caveating all to hell these quantifications of harms, concluding with great scepticism in 2.21. The report goes into some detail comparing and contrasting the relative harms of cannabis and methamphetamine.
2.22 describes cannabis, 2.23 describes how it is used (reefer, pipe, bong, "spotted", vaporiser or eating). In the last example of eating, they don't explain that cannabis is a readily fat-soluble food ingredient. Some poor bugger reading that line in the report might conclude that people sit down and eat the buds by themselves.
Immediate effects and harms of cannabis use are listed (2.25, 2.26). Fatal overdoses are mentioned in 2.27:
The long-term effects of cannabis use is explored in 2.28, quoting extensively from the Dunedin and Christchurch Longitudinal Studies:
Smoked cannabis harm is compared with tobacco (2.29), and minor cognitive impairment is mentioned in 2.30 (verbal learning, memory, attention). "Debate continues about the extent of these impairments, and whether they can be recovered after cannabis use stops." The old chestnut of the supposed causal link between chronic use and psychiatric disorders comes up in 2.30 to 2.33.
BERL reappears in 2.34, this time to estimate the social harms of cannabis. A long disclaimer is listed in 2.35, before 2.36's insistence that the BERL numbers are indicative and not, for example, expensive meaningless drivel.
The link between cannabis and crime is explored (2.37). 2.38 says there is no link:
The report spends some time on the "substantial" costs of cannabis prohibition (2.42 to 2.44). Most of the figures quoted are just wild estimates (BERL returns). One thing does stick out:
The report moves onto methamphetamine use. In comparison to cannabis, the harms of meth are almost at the other end of the spectrum. Although there are no recorded deaths from meth in NZ (2.51), long term users experience far more psychotic symptoms (2.52), more and stronger dependence issues (2.54).
The link between meth and crime looms large (2.58 and 2.59):
Not all drugs are equal.
Up Next: Chapter 3 - Drug Policy
It is "unarguable" that drugs, both legal and illegal, cause significant harm to society (2.1). There's a nice admission of societal biases. The harms of legal drugs are usually understated, while illegal drug harm is generally overstated. This comment is footnoted by the Law Commission's recent Alcohol in Our Lives paper.
Personally, I reckon society has got a fairly good grip on the harms of legal drugs, such as alcohol and tobacco. Public understanding of illegal drugs is more ignorance than overstatement. It's the moral tub thumpers that overstate the alleged harms. Ignorance and morality are the inbred parents of our current drug laws.
Psychoactive drugs change mood, perception, cognition and behaviour (2.2). Well, duh. That definition is accurate enough to include the publicly acceptable legal highs such as caffeine, sugar and chocolate, and wide enough to include non-drug events such as gambling, Shortland St and the weather. They narrow this down by describing how drugs change the psyche to create binary "effects and possible harms" - toxicity and dependence.
I would consider Shortland St to be toxic and harmful with many addicts, but the report is limited to looking at illegal ingested substances. Soap is legal in NZ. But the toxicity/dependence paradigm is apt. You can easily apply those terms to caffeine, sugar and chocolate, and they are applicable to the other legal and illegal drugs on the wider legislative menu.
The report goes on to list other less direct harms associated with drug use; prostitution, fraud and impaired driving (2.3). Drug use can also harm others (2.4), and reads like that infamous BERL report, which will rear its head eight paragraphs into the future.
2.5 caveats these supposed harms, stating that much of it is unquantifiable, and polydrug use clouds where harms might be attributed. Harms differ depending on a range of uncontrollable factors (2.6), and not all drugs are equal in the harm department (2.7). The harms caused by drug prohibition are often confused as drug harm (2.8)
And if drugs are so bad for people, why do they take them anyway? 2.9 sez:
These benefits may include the pleasurable effects of an altered state of consciousness (ranging from increased relaxation to increased energy), better social bonding with peers, or an escape from the realities of everyday life. Many of these benefits have parallels with the social benefits of alcohol (although the latter are more readily acknowledged than the former).This is what happens when you ask a lawyer what Fun means. There are other uses too. The name Drugs is a bit of a giveaway. Their main contribution to humanity is as medicine. From 2.10:
Heroin, for example, was available on prescription in New Zealand until the mid-1950s. Some consider the inability to develop and use illegal drugs like cannabis for medicinal purposes as a particular harm of drug prohibition.This is why many drug reformers get so angry over the current drug laws, and why many are especially angry with alleged Justice Minister Simon Power at his immediate dismissal of the subject. What right does he have to stand between a chronic pain sufferer and the most effective pain relief?
"Notwithstanding these real challenges in describing and quantifying the harms", 2.11 introduces the infamous BERL report, and spends the next page and a half quoting liberally from the discredited document. 2.14 spends a short time describing the 2005 UK Drug Harm Index, but not actually mentioning what it concluded. To refresh your memory and to fill its absence from the Law Commission report, here it is again:
In fairness to the Law Commission, they spend the next few paragraphs (2.15 to 2.20) caveating all to hell these quantifications of harms, concluding with great scepticism in 2.21. The report goes into some detail comparing and contrasting the relative harms of cannabis and methamphetamine.
2.22 describes cannabis, 2.23 describes how it is used (reefer, pipe, bong, "spotted", vaporiser or eating). In the last example of eating, they don't explain that cannabis is a readily fat-soluble food ingredient. Some poor bugger reading that line in the report might conclude that people sit down and eat the buds by themselves.
Immediate effects and harms of cannabis use are listed (2.25, 2.26). Fatal overdoses are mentioned in 2.27:
Cannabis use has a much lower risk of fatal overdose or other life-threatening conditions than many other psychoactive drugs. It has been estimated that a lethal dose of cannabis is in the range of 15 grams to 70 grams, which is many times greater than what even heavy users would consume in a day.This is the first outright lie in the report. No-one in recorded history has ever died from a cannabis overdose. The report somewhat admits this by footnoting the NZ Drug Foundation:
The New Zealand Drug Foundation (www.nzdf.org.nz/cannabis) estimates that a lethal dose is 40,000 times that which is needed to become intoxicated. In total, two human deaths have been reported from cannabis poisoning worldwide. However, it is not clear that those deaths were the result of cannabis.People have drank themselves to death. A lethal dose of caffeine varies between 60 and 80 cups of espresso in a 24 hour period. Hell, men have carked it over Viagra. But no-one has ever died from smoking too much cannabis.
The long-term effects of cannabis use is explored in 2.28, quoting extensively from the Dunedin and Christchurch Longitudinal Studies:
In New Zealand, the Dunedin Multidisciplinary Health and Development Study found that 18.3% of cannabis users in its cohort were cannabis dependent at age 26. This proportion was similar to that observed for alcohol (17.9%) but lower than that observed for tobacco (34%)... Cannabis dependent users were more likely to be male and Mäori.Male and Maori. That's another big clue, which will be revisited in a future chapter.
Smoked cannabis harm is compared with tobacco (2.29), and minor cognitive impairment is mentioned in 2.30 (verbal learning, memory, attention). "Debate continues about the extent of these impairments, and whether they can be recovered after cannabis use stops." The old chestnut of the supposed causal link between chronic use and psychiatric disorders comes up in 2.30 to 2.33.
BERL reappears in 2.34, this time to estimate the social harms of cannabis. A long disclaimer is listed in 2.35, before 2.36's insistence that the BERL numbers are indicative and not, for example, expensive meaningless drivel.
The link between cannabis and crime is explored (2.37). 2.38 says there is no link:
However, there is little support here or elsewhere for the view that cannabis intoxication itself causes users to commit crime. It is more likely that the same factors predispose people to commit crime and to use cannabis. In New Zealand, NZ-ADAM findings were that only a small proportion of participants who had been using cannabis at the time of their arrest believed that their drug use had contributed to “some” or “all” of the activities which led to that arrest. NZ-ADAM findings also support international research which suggests that cannabis generally inhibits aggression and violence in users.Public Health harms supposedly include drug driving (2.40), although evidence presented shows fewer problems compared with alcohol. Pregnant women are advised against using cannabis (2.41), adding to the long long list of things they should avoid while breeding.
The report spends some time on the "substantial" costs of cannabis prohibition (2.42 to 2.44). Most of the figures quoted are just wild estimates (BERL returns). One thing does stick out:
[A]lthough 30% of NZ-ADAM participants considered that the cannabis market was very or fairly risky or violent, the cannabis market was also perceived to be less violent or risky than the other drug markets covered (amphetamines, ecstasy, and heroin).The National-led Health select committee in 1998 blamed cannabis prohibition for problems in effective drug education (2.45), not to mention the blatant hypocrisy and double standards observed by the "younger generation."
The report moves onto methamphetamine use. In comparison to cannabis, the harms of meth are almost at the other end of the spectrum. Although there are no recorded deaths from meth in NZ (2.51), long term users experience far more psychotic symptoms (2.52), more and stronger dependence issues (2.54).
The link between meth and crime looms large (2.58 and 2.59):
62% of methamphetamine users reported [in the NZADAM study] that their use of methamphetamine had contributed to some extent to their current criminal activity, with 47% saying it had contributed “all/a lot” and 15% saying it had “some” contribution... Of particular public concern is the perceived link between methamphetamine intoxication and violent crime... In New Zealand, NZ-ADAM identified that methamphetamine was the most likely of all drugs covered to increase users’ likelihood of getting angry.The meth manufacturing process is in itself highly hazardous (2.63 to 2.66), and more users admit driving under the influence, including risky behaviour; "driving too fast, losing their temper at another driver, losing concentration, or nearly hitting something."
Not all drugs are equal.
Up Next: Chapter 3 - Drug Policy
Labels:
Law,
MODA Review,
war on drugs
Saturday, February 20, 2010
Law Commission on Drugs Part 1
I've changed the title of the last post to better match the chapters of the Law Commission's CRD paper. No point needlessly making this series more complicated than it already is. While we're talking admin, the Law Commission has nicely laid out the report with numbered paragraphs for easy reference. For example, 4.41 refers to Chapter 4, paragraph 41. These are going to pop up here quite often, so get used to them. OK, here we go...
Chapter 1 - Introduction to the review, pages 10 -17
Recreational drugs can be a polarising social issue (1.1) On one hand, there's the argument that drugs are dehumanising (1.2), and James Q Wilson is quoted for effect:
Nothing personal against James Q Wilson. I've been scanning his book Bureaucracy: What Government Agencies Do and Why They Do It this afternoon, reading about the turf wars and pissing competitions between the DEA and the FBI over the War on Drugs. Shame he can't see the wood for the trees.
On the other extreme, there:
Just how many affected people are we talking about? There's a couple of interesting charts taken from the Ministry of Health drug survey:
Ah, that might explain the blatant hypocrisy of drug classification. It's that tyranny of the majority thing. I bet the alcohol lobby can afford to keep their racket going forever with numbers like that. Pity the 400,000+ NZers who had used cannabis in the last 12 months though. Although arguably a bigger segment of the population than the LGBT community, they don't get boo in.
How about some global numbers? Here's the UNODC:
The World Bank reckons there are roughly 6.7 billion people in the world. According to these numbers, that means that there's over a quarter of a billion stoners around the globe.
The report looks at national drug trends. Amphetamine use has levelled off since the high in 2001 (1.16), while Ecstasy seems to have decreased before a slight increase, although it's difficult to tell seeing as BZP may be being marketed as Ecstasy these days (1.18).
BZP is the fourth most popular drug (1.19). There was a grand experiment between 2002 and 2006 when BZP was on sale to the public (1.20):
NZ has the second highest use of cannabis per capita in the world. Only the Canadians go harder (1.21). LSD and shroom consumption is negligible and dropping (1.24), while opiate use is even less.
The chapter concludes by noting that illegal drug consumption is "significant" and that the proportion of the population using drugs is "not really changing." (1.27)
Chapter 1 - Introduction to the review, pages 10 -17
Recreational drugs can be a polarising social issue (1.1) On one hand, there's the argument that drugs are dehumanising (1.2), and James Q Wilson is quoted for effect:
"We treat the two drugs differently, not simply because nicotine is so widely used as to be beyond the reach of effective prohibition, but because its use does not destroy the user’s essential humanity. Tobacco shortens one’s life, cocaine debases it. Nicotine alters one’s habit, cocaine alters one’s soul."The comparison is ludicrous for a couple of reasons. Firstly, if one were to compare apples with apples, you would compare tobacco with coca leaves, or nicotine concentrate with cocaine. Secondly, the Yanks can talk about "one's soul" til the Palins come home, but here in secular NZ you'll be pushing it uphill to debase an argument with soul transmogrification. Render unto Caesar etc.
Nothing personal against James Q Wilson. I've been scanning his book Bureaucracy: What Government Agencies Do and Why They Do It this afternoon, reading about the turf wars and pissing competitions between the DEA and the FBI over the War on Drugs. Shame he can't see the wood for the trees.
On the other extreme, there:
"are those who believe that people should be free to use whatever substances they want, with any attempt by society to limit that use an unwarranted interference with personal autonomy and freedom of choice." (1.3)That's a bit simplistic, something you'd probably hear from an Ayn Rand libertarian, although no particular person is quoted to justify such a statement. The Law Commission then discounts James Q Wilson somewhat, noting:
"[P] sychoactive substances have been used across the world for thousands of years. At the same time, most would also recognise that all psychoactive substances may cause harm, not only to the individual but to society as a whole. Regulation of their use is therefore needed to minimise this harm. (1.4)The footnote to this statement is as vital to enlightenment as any Terry Pratchett novel footnote:
It has even been suggested that “there has never been a society that has not had some form of psychoactive drug or drugs used by at least some of its members”.The distinctions between legal and illegal drugs throughout history have been "somewhat arbitrary," (1.5) however we "can not turn back the clock." (1.6)
Our approach to various drugs including alcohol is inextricably linked to our history and culture.This statement is vitally important, and the reason why will become clearer in Chapter 4. Although both harmful drugs, 1.7 explains why alcohol and tobacco have been excluded from the review:
Our review would have been unmanageably large if we had attempted to include alcohol and tobacco within it.The Law Commission acknowledges that this may go down like a cup of cold sick in some quarters. They're not wrong:
1.8 This will not please everyone. Many of those who regard the current approach to drugs as illogical, hypocritical, and based on double standards will no doubt want us to take a bolder approach. Law reform, however, is the art of the possible.It's an early omen that foreshadows the lack of real scope of recommendations later in the report. And it's downright strange, seeing as the Law Commission is at this very moment reviewing the liquor laws. No explanation is given as to why they don't do the obvious and have one law to rule them all.
Just how many affected people are we talking about? There's a couple of interesting charts taken from the Ministry of Health drug survey:
Ah, that might explain the blatant hypocrisy of drug classification. It's that tyranny of the majority thing. I bet the alcohol lobby can afford to keep their racket going forever with numbers like that. Pity the 400,000+ NZers who had used cannabis in the last 12 months though. Although arguably a bigger segment of the population than the LGBT community, they don't get boo in.
How about some global numbers? Here's the UNODC:
The World Bank reckons there are roughly 6.7 billion people in the world. According to these numbers, that means that there's over a quarter of a billion stoners around the globe.
The report looks at national drug trends. Amphetamine use has levelled off since the high in 2001 (1.16), while Ecstasy seems to have decreased before a slight increase, although it's difficult to tell seeing as BZP may be being marketed as Ecstasy these days (1.18).
BZP is the fourth most popular drug (1.19). There was a grand experiment between 2002 and 2006 when BZP was on sale to the public (1.20):
A report prepared for the Ministry of Health estimated that in total approximately 20 million doses of party pills containing BZP or trifluoromethylphenylpiperazine (TFMPP) and related substances were sold in New Zealand between 2002 and 2006.The Law Commission report neglects to mention that during those four years, not one fatality was caused by BZP, through use, abuse or overdose.
NZ has the second highest use of cannabis per capita in the world. Only the Canadians go harder (1.21). LSD and shroom consumption is negligible and dropping (1.24), while opiate use is even less.
The chapter concludes by noting that illegal drug consumption is "significant" and that the proportion of the population using drugs is "not really changing." (1.27)
Labels:
Law,
MODA Review,
war on drugs
Law Commission on Drugs - Introduction
For the first time in over 35 years, New Zealand's Misuse of Drugs Act 1975 has been subjected to serious official review. Sure, every parliamentary Health select committee between here and Muldoon that has looked at the subject has concluded that cannabis shouldn't be dealt with as it is. Each Health select committee has dutifully passed the buck to the Justice & Electoral select committee to look at, and every over-worked J&E committee has diligently ignored the matter.
The Law Commission's Controlling and Regulating Drugs discussion paper breaks this drought. Justice Minister Simon Power thinks he can dismiss the 408 page report out of hand, stating that the government's policy demands no loosening of the laws:
F'instance, did you know that the first drug law in NZ one hundred years ago was very thinly-disguised racism? Or that although current laws allow cultivation and research licences of these restricted drugs, there are only 21 research licences in NZ at present, and no cultivation licence has ever been issued? Or that the law allows a Minister of Health to withdraw a person's prescribed medication without their doctor's agreement or even directly contradicting the doctor's advice?
In fact, there may be too many facts in this dense report. The size and scope of the CRD report makes it difficult for laypeople to crack into, and would be about as interesting and dry to most people as reading the Auckland City White Pages phone directory. Hell, even I'm daunted by it. I'm no lawyer.
NORML has posted up a short list of easy things the public can do to support a review of the Misuse of Drugs Act, including a sample submission which people are encouraged to mash up to fit their perspective. I'm going to take a leaf out of Bryce@Liberation's book and post up bite-sized annotated analysis of the report over the next month leading up to Drug Awareness Week in March. Anyway, enough blab. Let's get down to it.
What is the point of the CRD report? The Terms of Reference are pretty concise, so here's a cut and paste straight from page 5:
The Preface on Page 7 goes into the details. In 2007, Associate Minister of Health Jim Anderton asked the Law Commission to review the Misuse of Drugs Act. I remember the moment well. I was in the Minister's office with the MSMers when he announced it. It was the same day that the minister announced that BZP was to be banned.
Whichever way you cut it, the man who called the review was not some soft on drugs hippie. BZP is a fairly low-level drug. It is non-addictive and even the screwed scrum of the Expert Advisory Committee on Drugs were hard pressed to find anything more dangerous in the side effects department other than nausea and anxiety. Nothing worse than what you'd get from watching Dancing with the Stars or attending an Act conference. However, BZP was a new thing to New Zealand, and the Misuse of Drugs Act had no mechanism to handle new things.
The Preface points to another broken prong:
Which is why it's so weird that John Key's National government wishes to ignore the Law Commission's report. The loud slamming of the reform door shows an ideological ignorance out of step with John Key's alleged centrism. He can ignore that hypocrisy at his peril.
Up next: The Current Approach
The Law Commission's Controlling and Regulating Drugs discussion paper breaks this drought. Justice Minister Simon Power thinks he can dismiss the 408 page report out of hand, stating that the government's policy demands no loosening of the laws:
"There's not a single, solitary chance that as long as I'm Minister of Justice, we'll be relaxing drug laws in New Zealand. The Prime Minister has made the war against P and drugs a key part of his leadership and as long as I'm the Minister of Justice, we will not be relaxing drug laws."But if John Key can perform backward somersaults over GST rises, he can damned well change his mind on drug reform too. Facts change, eh. And the Law Commission paper is full of facts.
F'instance, did you know that the first drug law in NZ one hundred years ago was very thinly-disguised racism? Or that although current laws allow cultivation and research licences of these restricted drugs, there are only 21 research licences in NZ at present, and no cultivation licence has ever been issued? Or that the law allows a Minister of Health to withdraw a person's prescribed medication without their doctor's agreement or even directly contradicting the doctor's advice?
In fact, there may be too many facts in this dense report. The size and scope of the CRD report makes it difficult for laypeople to crack into, and would be about as interesting and dry to most people as reading the Auckland City White Pages phone directory. Hell, even I'm daunted by it. I'm no lawyer.
NORML has posted up a short list of easy things the public can do to support a review of the Misuse of Drugs Act, including a sample submission which people are encouraged to mash up to fit their perspective. I'm going to take a leaf out of Bryce@Liberation's book and post up bite-sized annotated analysis of the report over the next month leading up to Drug Awareness Week in March. Anyway, enough blab. Let's get down to it.
What is the point of the CRD report? The Terms of Reference are pretty concise, so here's a cut and paste straight from page 5:
The Commission will review the Misuse of Drugs Act 1975 and make proposals for a new legislative regime consistent with New Zealand’s international obligations concerning illegal and other drugs.
The issues to be considered by the Commission will include:
(a) whether the legislative regime should reflect the principle of harm minimisation underpinning the National Drug Policy;
(b) the most suitable model or models for the control of drugs;
(c) which substances the statutory regime should cover;
(d) how new psychoactive substances should be treated;
(e) whether drugs should continue to be subject to the current classification system or should be categorised by some alternative process or mechanism;
(f) if a classification system for categorising drugs is retained, whether the current placement of substances is appropriate;
(g) the appropriate offence and penalty structure;
(h) whether the existing statutory dealing presumption should continue to apply in light of the Supreme Court’s decision in the Hansen case;
(i) whether the enforcement powers proposed by the Commission in its report on Search and Surveillance Powers are adequate to investigate drug offences;
(j) what legislative framework provides the most suitable structure to reflect the linkages between drugs and other similar substances;
(k) which agency or agencies should be responsible for the administration of the legislative regime.
It is not intended that the Commission will make recommendations with respect to the regulation of alcohol or tobacco in undertaking this review.
The Preface on Page 7 goes into the details. In 2007, Associate Minister of Health Jim Anderton asked the Law Commission to review the Misuse of Drugs Act. I remember the moment well. I was in the Minister's office with the MSMers when he announced it. It was the same day that the minister announced that BZP was to be banned.
Whichever way you cut it, the man who called the review was not some soft on drugs hippie. BZP is a fairly low-level drug. It is non-addictive and even the screwed scrum of the Expert Advisory Committee on Drugs were hard pressed to find anything more dangerous in the side effects department other than nausea and anxiety. Nothing worse than what you'd get from watching Dancing with the Stars or attending an Act conference. However, BZP was a new thing to New Zealand, and the Misuse of Drugs Act had no mechanism to handle new things.
The Preface points to another broken prong:
Most significantly, the Act’s policy framework appears to be out of step with current drug policy. Although it has been amended numerous times to reflect new developments in drug use, there is concern that the Act is now outdated and does not reflect current knowledge and understanding about drug use and related health, social and economic harms. The Act pre-dates and does not seem to be well aligned to the National Drug Policy and its overarching goal of minimising drug-related harm.As the name suggests, the first National Drug Policy (NDP) was formed by the last National government. I looked at the issue here, when covering Jim Anderton's new version of the NDP. The last National government also formed the Expert Advisory Committee on Drugs (EACD), a supposedly independent board of experts who were charged with providing objective advice on the classification of recreational substances.
Which is why it's so weird that John Key's National government wishes to ignore the Law Commission's report. The loud slamming of the reform door shows an ideological ignorance out of step with John Key's alleged centrism. He can ignore that hypocrisy at his peril.
Up next: The Current Approach
Labels:
Law,
MODA Review,
war on drugs
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